本文選題：集市　切入點(diǎn)：廟會(huì)　出處：《深圳大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文　論文類(lèi)型：學(xué)位論文

【摘要】：本文承接課題組既有對(duì)晉中地區(qū)廟會(huì)的持續(xù)性研究,以集市與廟會(huì)的關(guān)系為研究對(duì)象。集市與廟會(huì)是傳統(tǒng)市場(chǎng)體系的組成部分,在傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)中占有重要的地位。區(qū)別來(lái)看,集市是人們約定俗成進(jìn)行定期交易的場(chǎng)所,廟會(huì)則是集交易、祭祀、娛樂(lè)、社交等多種活動(dòng)于一體的綜合性場(chǎng)所,交易活動(dòng)是兩者發(fā)生關(guān)系的邏輯起點(diǎn),也因此兩者的時(shí)空布局相互影響。本文首先對(duì)晉中四縣的自然地理與社會(huì)環(huán)境基礎(chǔ)進(jìn)行了梳理,包括地形地貌、氣候、土壤、人口與經(jīng)濟(jì)、農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)、交通運(yùn)輸、傳統(tǒng)習(xí)氣、聚落概況等內(nèi)容。其目的一是掌握集市與廟會(huì)賴以存在和發(fā)展的背景環(huán)境,一是比較分析晉中四縣在自然與社會(huì)兩方面的異同,為解釋各縣集市與廟會(huì)變遷特征的異同提供基礎(chǔ)支撐。然后對(duì)聚落舉辦集市或廟會(huì)的影響因素進(jìn)行探究。在明確集市與廟會(huì)基本特征的基礎(chǔ)上,從聚落舉辦集市或廟會(huì)的收支、市場(chǎng)的自組織、地方政府的干預(yù)三方面進(jìn)行了分析。比較而言,聚落舉辦廟會(huì)的收支都要高于集市,市場(chǎng)自組織的影響則較為相似,而地方政府對(duì)集市或廟會(huì)的干預(yù)以稅收為主要目的,廟會(huì)的稅收相對(duì)較多�？傮w來(lái)看,舉辦集市需要聚落群穩(wěn)定的交易需求支撐,而舉辦廟會(huì)則要求聚落有較強(qiáng)的綜合實(shí)力。最后研究了清康熙至1949年晉中四縣集市與廟會(huì)的變遷關(guān)系。從歷時(shí)性和共時(shí)性兩方面對(duì)集市與廟會(huì)的時(shí)空變遷特征進(jìn)行比較分析,可以明顯看出集市與廟會(huì)的時(shí)空布局是相互影響的,從它們發(fā)展的過(guò)程和結(jié)果來(lái)看,廟會(huì)對(duì)集市產(chǎn)生了替代作用,替代的形式有兩種,即直接替代形式和廟會(huì)組團(tuán)形式。當(dāng)然,在1949年前,同時(shí)也存在另外三種關(guān)系,即集市主導(dǎo)、相互依托和廟會(huì)主導(dǎo)的關(guān)系,不過(guò)這三種關(guān)系是不同條件下妥協(xié)的結(jié)果,集市作為相對(duì)“便宜”的市場(chǎng)形態(tài)而存在,反映了不同條件下傳統(tǒng)聚落市場(chǎng)組織的差異性。由此推測(cè),替代關(guān)系的產(chǎn)生經(jīng)歷了集市主導(dǎo)期、相互依托期、廟會(huì)主導(dǎo)期,而后發(fā)展為廟會(huì)替代期;并從晉商與晉劇的發(fā)展對(duì)替代歷程進(jìn)行了解析。緊接著探究了發(fā)生替代關(guān)系的緣由,替代關(guān)系的產(chǎn)生是自然條件與生產(chǎn)條件的約束以及聚落與地方政府的主動(dòng)選擇綜合的結(jié)果。廟會(huì)的時(shí)空組織特征與交易需求相適應(yīng),又因其功能的多樣性尤其是全民狂歡性而具有獨(dú)特的吸引力,這是廟會(huì)本身推進(jìn)替代關(guān)系發(fā)生的內(nèi)在動(dòng)力。可以說(shuō),廟會(huì)是當(dāng)?shù)厝藗冊(cè)跁r(shí)空維度適應(yīng)自然,建構(gòu)社會(huì)生活與經(jīng)濟(jì)生活的產(chǎn)物和工具。
[Abstract]:This paper carries on the research on the continuity of temple fairs in Jinzhong region, taking the relationship between fair and temple fair as the object of study. Fair and temple fair are part of the traditional market system and play an important role in the traditional society. The fair is the place where people make regular trades, and the temple fair is the comprehensive place where many activities such as trade, sacrifice, entertainment and social intercourse are integrated, and the transaction is the logical starting point of the relationship between the two. In this paper, the physical geography and social environmental basis of the four counties in Jinzhong, including topography, climate, soil, population and economy, agricultural production, transportation, traditional habits, are first combed. The purpose of the settlement is to grasp the background environment on which the bazaar and temple fair exist and develop, and to compare and analyze the similarities and differences between the natural and social aspects of the four counties in Jinzhong. In order to explain the similarities and differences of the vicissitude characteristics of bazaars and temple fairs in different counties, the paper explores the influence factors of fairs or temple fairs held by settlements. On the basis of defining the basic characteristics of bazaars and temple fairs, the income and expenses of fairs or temple fairs held by settlements are discussed. The self-organization of the market and the intervention of the local government are analyzed in three aspects. In comparison, the income and expenditure of temple fairs held by settlements are higher than those of bazaars, and the influence of self-organization of markets is similar. The main purpose of local government intervention in bazaars or temple fairs is to collect taxes, which are relatively high. Generally speaking, the holding of fairs needs the support of stable trading needs of settlement groups. The holding of temple fairs requires the settlement to have a strong comprehensive strength. Finally, it studies the vicissitude relationship between the fairs and temple fairs in the four counties of Kangxi County from Qing Dynasty to 1949, and makes a comparative analysis of the temporal and spatial vicissitude characteristics of the bazaars and temple fairs from the diachronic and synchronic aspects. We can clearly see that the space-time layout of the fair and the temple fair are mutually affected. Judging from their development process and results, the temple fair has a substitution effect on the market. There are two forms of substitution, that is, the direct alternative form and the temple fair group form. Of course, there are two forms of substitution, namely, the direct alternative form and the temple fair group form. Before 1949, there were also three other relationships, that is, bazaar dominance, mutual reliance and temple fairs, but these three relationships were the result of compromise under different conditions, and bazaar existed as a relatively "cheap" market form. It reflects the difference of the traditional settlement market organization under different conditions. Therefore, it is inferred that the substitution relationship has experienced the market dominant period, the mutual dependence period, the temple fair leading period, and then developed into the temple fair substitution period. And from the Shanxi merchants and the development of Jin opera to analyze the process of substitution. The substitution relationship is the result of the constraints of natural conditions and production conditions, as well as the combination of settlement and local government's active choice. Because of the diversity of its functions, especially the carnival of the whole people, it has a unique attraction, which is the intrinsic motive force for the temple fair itself to push forward the substitution relationship. It can be said that the temple fair is the local people adapting to nature in the dimension of time and space. Construct the products and tools of social and economic life.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：深圳大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類(lèi)號(hào)】：TU982.29

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本文編號(hào)：1642178